The end of the vitriolic PAS And the good that it brings to politics
PAS’s waning momentum against Anwar Ibrahim reveals a tamer, uncertain opposition. As leadership shifts loom, PAS must rethink its strategy to regain political relevance.
Since November 2022, the Malaysian Islamic Party, PAS, was caught in the middle of an intense campaign (not to say they started the campaign, as I am not aware of that) against Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim after he assumed power following the general elections.
Anwar leads a coalition government that includes former allies of the PAS-led Perikatan Nasional (PN) alliance, notably the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) in Peninsular Malaysia, as well as the Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS) and Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS) from East Malaysia.
These parties, previously aligned with PAS and Bersatu in the Perikatan Nasional coalition, shifted their support to Anwar’s new coalition to secure a governing majority after the 2022 elections.
PAS and Bersatu were left reeling. On social media — especially TikTok, X, and Facebook, with Instagram soon following — a massive, coordinated political offensive erupted against Anwar’s leadership. It was a sustained campaign of character assassination and demonisation.
Licking the wounds
But in Malaysia’s ever-turbulent political landscape, the opposition’s tactics have taken a curious turn. Two and a half years into Anwar Ibrahim’s tenure, the Islamist party PAS (Parti Islam Se-Malaysia) and its Perikatan Nasional (PN) coalition are grappling with a fading momentum that once electrified their base.
The 2022 general election saw PAS wield the Hoy Ya Hoy chant as a weapon, mocking Anwar. The move was a calculated strike to undermine his reformist credentials, and it worked, galvanizing PAS’s supporters and keeping them buzzing with indignation. But as Anwar’s leadership stretches toward a third year, the opposition’s fervor has waned, exposing cracks in its strategy and raising questions about its future.
PAS’s initial vitriol, rooted in accusations that Anwar betrayed the “reformasi” movement, once resonated deeply with Malaysia’s Malay heartland. Yet, the party’s relentless attacks—often personal and laced with religious rhetoric—have lost their edge. The recent Turun Anwar rally, though impressive in its turnout, lacked the galvanizing spark of past campaigns. Unlike the fiery oratory of figures like Nik Aziz Nik Mat or even a younger Abdul Hadi Awang, PAS’s current leadership struggled to inspire. Instead, it was Zaid Ibrahim, a former UMNO stalwart and unlikely ally, who stole the spotlight with his impassioned call for Anwar’s resignation and Najib Razak’s release. Zaid’s emergence as a rhetorical force underscored a troubling reality for PAS: its bench of charismatic leaders is thinning.
The party’s challenges are compounded by internal shifts. Abdul Hadi Awang, PAS’s supreme leader, has taken a step back from the political fray amid health concerns, though his critiques of Anwar’s Madani government as insufficiently Islamic remain sharp. PAS has begun floating potential successors, both ulamas and non-ulamas, signaling an openness to new leadership but also a reluctance to cede its religious identity. For a party rooted in appealing to devout Malays, a non-religious leader would face an uphill battle to claim the top post. Yet, PAS’s tamer tone suggests a pragmatic recalibration. Gone are the days of unbridled vituperation; in their place is a party seemingly at a crossroads, unsure how to sustain its relevance.
Hitting Anwar's flanks
Anwar, for his part, has not helped his critics’ cause. His long-winded speeches, heavy on rhetoric but light on substance, have drawn criticism for sidestepping tough questions and making unsubstantiated claims in Parliament. This has handed PAS and PN ample fodder, yet their failure to capitalize on it reveals a deeper strategic malaise. The Turun Anwar rally, while a show of strength, offered no clear vision to counter Anwar’s coalition. PAS’s rejection of an offer to join the Madani government—deemed too secular and beholden to the Democratic Action Party (DAP)—further complicates its path. The party’s insistence on a more Islamic framework risks alienating non-Muslims, whose votes are critical in a diverse nation like Malaysia.
As the next general election looms, PAS faces a pivotal choice. It could double down on its religious base, hoping to outmaneuver Anwar by appealing to Malay voters disillusioned with his leadership. Alternatively, it might soften its edges, seeking a broader appeal that could challenge DAP’s influence and position PAS as a more responsible opposition force. There is even speculation that PAS could entertain a reunion with Anwar, a fellow former reformist, to share power until the parliamentary term ends. Such a move would require Anwar to pivot toward a more Islamic-leaning Madani framework, a prospect that seems unlikely given his coalition’s delicate balance. But I do not see this happening, that soon.
For now, PAS appears adrift, its campaign lacking the clarity and fire that once defined it. To regain its footing, it must rethink its approach—not only to the Malays but to the broader electorate. Character assassination, once a potent tool, no longer suffices in a political arena demanding substance over slogans. As Malaysia watches, PAS’s next steps will determine whether it can evolve into a formidable force or remain mired in the rhetoric of a bygone era.
Johan Chairil